Mr. Abdurahman Sayed, You, The Ethiopian Author That You Quoted, And Mr. Hailemariam Tesfay Of The EIDM Have Misrepresented EIDM's Vision Of Framing Of Eritrea's State Structure, Ref.: the 'Media & Politics Branch' of the EIDM; By Abdurahman Sayed"

Brother Abdurahman, the 'Media & Politics Branch' of the EIDM did articulation as well as present EIDM's proposed vision of the framing of Eritrea's state structure correctly. I worked both in the capacity of the head of EIDM's Editorial Board as well as a simple member in my four years residence in the organization. When I was a member, EIDM's principle concerning the issue under debate was "To establish a people's government by removing the current PFDJ dictatorial system of governance. Fight to create a secular and unitary constitutional democratic government and make sure that the people are the most sovereign who give as well as take away power". Now that I am not a member of the EIDM, I see that it has amended this article of its political program to Eritrea's preferred state structure to being framed around ""decentralized unitary state" ", which is all the better for my taste.
As to the part of your rebuttal of EIDM accusing you of " "lying" and "grossly misrepresenting" the "EIDM's proposal" of a decentralised system of governance", you are exaggerating a little too much for one of its principle(s) was misrepresented both by your organization, the Ethiopian writer you have quoted, and worse, by one of its leaders. This is not the first time that EIDM's principle(s) and stand(s)were misrepresented both by your organization and the same EIDM leader, namely, Mr. Hailemariam Tesfay, in public either. Thus, I can under-stand why EIDM's 'Media & Politics Branch' reacted the way it did. Deliberate misrepresentations are lies while oversight misrepresen-tations are 'misquotes' and/or the lack of correct understanding of the issues at hand. How do you expect the EIDM to respond to you in this connection?
I am not a member of the EIDM now but I was the author of the "article published by the EIDM" that you claimed to have read, albeit incorrectly, "about two years ago on at least one of the Eritrean websites where they advocated for "republican federalism" based on the 8," as a member of the EIDM Editorial Board. Based on the aforementioned facts, therefore, the response of EIDM's 'Media & Politics Branch' to you was measured and accurate, especial in light of your rejoinder, which seems to wax ranting and raving. I am appending the English version of EIDM's Political Program and the part of the series of articles that you and the Ethiopian author referred to as your source of information when I was a member of EIDM as well as the author of the same article based on the principles of my former organization for reference purposes below.
For comments, you can use: merhawi_m@netzero.com
Ms senai tmnit
Merhawi Mesghina
Toronto Canada
October 23, 2004
****************//****************
Notes From The EIDM Editorial Board:
After we allowed our readers to go though the English Version of our Political Program (you can find the Tigrigna Version at: www.awate.com), we feel that the injection of a few statements regarding political programs should be in order. Generally speaking, a political program is mostly presented in the form of condensed articles and sub-articles of its different sections. The articles and sub-articles of the different sections of the political program represent the underlying principles and core values of any political entity which attempts to present its vision about, inter alia, the social, cultural, political, economic, legal and historical foundation as well as the foreign policy of a nation in question. Based on these principles and values, any organized entity makes and brakes deals with both internal and external political forces and the implications that follow these actions are very serious, especially when viewed from the legal perspective, for they produce consequences that cross national and international boundaries.

Therefore, the EIDM advises Eritrean political parties, political or politico-military movements, organizations, fronts, and the like in particular and the Eritrean public in general to seriously watch and consider the implications of the political programs in the Eritrean political arena for they have far-reaching future legal, historical, economic, cultural and social ramification in the constitutionally democratic Eritrea that we are all striving to build. Towards this end, the Editorial Board of the EIDM will attempt to highlight the meaning of certain political principles and goals that are embedded in its political program. For starters, it had already highlighted its stand on the development and primacy of Eritrea's Unitary Statehood in the first part of its six part series paper titled: Eritrea : A Nation In The Making. This, we hope, will help the Eritrean public at large understand our political program and, by extension, the vision of the EIDM better. The Editorial Board of the EIDM will continue presenting brief expositions about the political principles and goals in its Program as the paper progresses. We believe that it is incumbent upon all the political and politico-military groupings in the Eritrean socio-political arena to do the same so that the Eritrean people know who is saying what on their behalf which would enable them to know where their interest is accommodated and accordingly give or reserve their support to the political groupings and actors. We need to have clarity about our demands and stands so that those who have similar or the same vision about the democratic Eritrea we are struggling to establish will interact at different levels which may include cooperation, coalition or complete unity of organized political or politico-military forces. Some of the highlights made in the first part of the six part series of our paper follow bellow:

Eritrea: A Nation In The Making
The Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement
February 6, 2003

In this paper, the Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement (EIDM) will take a chronological approach to address the evolution of Eritreas unitary statehood, constitutional democracy, the doctrine of the separation of Church/Mosque and State, and when and how the idea of Republican Federalism in Eritrea -- thought to answer the Question of Nationlities or cure other problems in Eritrea-- should be entertained and considered by the whole nation. Therefore, in an attempt to present a brief account in order to address the foregoing issues about Eritrea's nation-building process, we have separated them into the following six part series, namely:

Part I: The Evolution of Eritrea's Unitary Statehood Till The End Of Italian Colonialism
Part II: Eritrea Under British Military Administration (BMA), Unitary Constitutional Democracy, And The Federal Union With Ethiopia Until Its Abrogation
Part III: The Eritrean Armed Struggle For Independence
Part IV: Post-Independence Unitary Eritrea Under The EPLF/PFDJ And The Eritrean Opposition
Part V: The Pimacy Of Unitary Multi-Party Constitutional Democracy And The Question Of Nationalities And Republican Federalism In Eritrea
Part VI: The Doctrine Of The Separation Of Church/Mosque And State And Constitutional Democracy In Eritrea
Part I: The Evolution of Eritrea's Unitary Statehood Till The End Of Italian Colonialism

In an attempt to present a brief exposition on the development of Eritrea's unitary statehood, we would like to take you through step-wise cursory accounts of Eritrea's historical and juridical colonial background. At different times in their long history, Eritreans have attempted to or have expelled invaders and colonizers alike from their territory in unison or separately as they evolved into a nation, the last of which was Ethiopian colonialism. With the utter defeat of the Ethiopian army, the securing of Eritrea's long awaited independence was concluded in 1991 by the heroic Eritrean Peoples Liberation Army (EPLA) when it enter Eritrea's capital, Asmara. Our main purpose is to address issues of current national importance as we struggle to bring about the end of dictatorship and tyranny and speed up the process of democratization in Eritrea. However, we would like to lay some background about Eritrea's complex and arduous pre-colonial and painful and tumultuous post-colonial history to help the young generation in particular and the Eritrean public in general have a better insight of its past so that they can help in correcting its present and positively contribute in shaping its peaceful and prosperous future………………….
In closing this section, we will leave you with the following remarks. The making of Eritrea's juridical unitary statehood started with half a century of oppressive Italian colonization that ended in 1941. Ten tumultuous years of British Military Administration and ten unhappy years of federation with Ethiopia followed this. It was finally cemented by blood in a 30-year protracted armed struggle culminating in the 1991 de facto Eritrean independence. This was proceeded by a de jure independence in the 1993 internationally supervised referendum in which over 99% of Eritreans voted in favor. It is against this backdrop of Eritreans nation-building history that we assert that Eritrea's historical and juridical unitary statehood should take primacy and priority as we struggle to end despotism and tyranny and install a unitary multi-party constitutional democracy in our country.
Although we will address the issues of unitarism and federalism in much detail when we come to that section of our paper, we are injecting these notes about the two issue in the middle in order to stir democratic debate and show our stand on these two issues. Towards that end, we assert that no claim whatsoever can change the above mentioned unassailable facts of the evolution of Eritreas unitary statehood. As far as the future is concerned, rival claims that advance the idea of having republican federalism, in whatever shape or form, in Eritrea should be addressed with the understanding that our people can only entertain and consider them as alternatives only if and when they are fee to exercise their unitary constitutional multiparty democracy first. They will then be in a position to be well informed and educated about the alternative forms of federal republican governance that are being advanced by many groups in the Eritrean opposition camp. After this happens, our people should then be allowed to make their choice either through their elected representatives or by voting in a popular referendum. If we accept the democratic tenet that our people are the most sovereign and final arbiters of our rival claims, we have to create the most salubrious conditions so that our people will be able to make their choice freely without fear and manipulation. For this to occur, we should first do away with dictatorship and install a government of the people, for the people, and by the people by allowing our people to exercise their juridical and historical unitary constitutional democracy which was what we had or were supposed to have when we were federated with Ethiopia.
The unitary dictatorship of the PFDJ should not be used as an excuse in order to advance our ideas for it is a dictatorship and any form of federalism would not have changed that. We cannot initiate something without trying the one which we legally and historically have at hand for that will not bring us to any desirable end except that it will create bunglers. We need to allow our people to have a brief respite from the vicious circles of schisms and internecine feuding that have punctuated the Eritrean political and politico-military arena for so many years. We need to learn how to solve our problems methodically by putting them in their proper prospective and by avoiding raising issues until their proper time comes or by dropping them altogether so that they do not stand between our unity as we struggle to get rid off an immoral system which is bleeding our nation. While affirming our stand that Eritreans should believe in the priority and primacy of unitary constitutional multi-party democracy, we advice all concerned that they should exercise their democratic rights of advancing their ideas without exasperating the struggle for democratization, rule of law and social justice in Eritrea...
EIDM Editorial Board
The Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement
February 6, 2003
================//===================
The Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement: Political Program

The Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement (EIDM)
GOALS AND PROGRAMS (English Version)
INTRODUCTION
The goals of the Eritrean armed struggle were, among other things, to eradicate the different forms of oppression that were perpetrated by foreign rule and to secure peace, tranquility, prosperity and progress. Even-though colonial rule has been done away with through a protracted and heroic people's struggle, our people's fight is still continuing because all the forms of oppressions that accompanied colonialism are still on our people's shoulders. Therefore, EIDM's fight is part and parcel of our people's ongoing incandescent struggle. Toward that end, we declare that our movement has put its program and goals in a clear order which will be coupled with a disciplined mode of engagement in a way that will secure its victory. It is seriously taking control of its struggle in order to ensure the success of the sacred mission of our people.
While the first task of the current Eritrean people's dual struggle is to do away with the present PFDJ dictatorial rule, the second is to build a democratic, constitutional, unifying and visionary system of governance. This hallowed mission will come into life if our people are made the most sovereign so as to give as well as take away power and if they are enabled to play vital roles in running the affairs of our country. We will fight to ensure the victory of this mission by respecting the freedom our movement as well as its individual members, which are the cornerstones and values of EIDM's struggle as it strives to protect Eritrean citizenship rights and freedoms and ensure the participation of our people in the affairs of our country. Further more, because we observe that national conference is a process that will enables us ensure national reconciliation and unity, it is one of EIDM's firm believes and it will strives to help make this a reality.
We are all aware of the fact that Eritrea is a multi-ethnic and multi-religious country that has not completed the universal nation-building process. Taking this observation as one of our points of departure, we have decided to struggle for national salvation under our believe in the principle of " Unity In Diversity". Because we are cognizant of the fact that actions speak more than worlds, we shall, in accordance with our goals, cooperate, mutually support, participate, inter into negotiations and make relationships with all Eritrean political organizations, civic and political movements, groups, elements and institutions that are participating toward executing this mission.
In the experience of the Eritrean revolution, we understand that there were big chasms of struggle that had been created between the EPLF -- which has changed its name to the PFDJ but has not made any change from the EPLF in substance -- and the ELF or the various factions that had been created after its disintegration, on the one hand, and between the ELF various diminutive factions themselves, on the other. On our part, we believe and strongly fight to make the narrowing of the chasms that had been created a reality and build bridges that tie the two experiences based on a new mode of struggle that is founded on the salvation and unity of our people and the sovereignty and colonial unity of our nation.
Moving in tandem with what is mentioned above, we will strive to have zonal as well as international relations that is based on the principle of equality and mutual respect that is geared towards establishing peace and stability as well as social and economic cooperation in our region and the world.
EIDM GOALS
1- To establish a people's government by removing the current PFDJ dictatorial system of governance. Fight to create a secular and unitary constitutional democratic government and make sure that the people are the most sovereign who give as well as take away power.
2- To defend the Eritrean national sovereignty and colonial territorial integrity.
3- To ensure that the official languages of Eritrea are Tigrigna and Arabic.
4- To restore the economic life and the land that have been monopolized by the PFDJ to the Eritrean people.
5- To do away with a rejectionist and schismatic political culture and introduce a political culture that is tolerant and accommodative and one that empowers the Eritrean Individual.
EIDM Advantages
1- Our modus operandi respects and observes transparency and accountability and is governed by the democratic decisions of the majority.
2- To involve and get involved in a true popular participation.
3- To be advocates of a government of national unity and national reconciliation and defenders of the civic rights of Eritrean citizens.
A) Short Term Political Program
1- To wage an indomitable struggle to root out the dictatorship in our country.
2- Struggle against narrow religious and ethnic sentiments and views.
3- Strive to build a strong and cohesive democratic movement that focuses on national agendas and cultivates a political culture of tolerances.
4- To work toward convening a national conference that would eventually lead to national reconciliation by ensuring the participation of individuals, political groups, civic associations and the like.
5- Struggle to establish relationships and cooperation with all opposition organizations, movements, groups, and individuals based on the collective good. Toward this end, be ready to be cooperative, supportive, engaged, and be willing to inter into negotiations and to create ties with foregoing forces to secure the success of our common struggle.
6- Struggle to establish an inclusive government when the time comes.
7- To cultivate a conscious, productive, and self-confident Eritrean citizenry.
8- Foster the participation of the people in the affairs of their country and ensure the respect of Eritrean civic citizenship.
9- Respect and protect the civil liberties of our people and ensure their freedom of worship and thought.
10- Ensure the participation of the new generation so that it plays pivotal roles in the struggle for democracy, justice and the rule of law and encourage it to assume leadership roles in the affairs of our country.
B) Long Term Program
Political:
1- To ensure that the system of government that shall be established allows political plurality-establish multi-party democratic system.
2- The constitutional government of Eritrea shall be formed to include a legislative, an executive, and judiciary branches and laws should be enacted to govern a system of checks and balances between the three branches.
3- The colonial geographical administrative regions of our country should be preserved as were. If it is necessary to readjust or redraw inter regional divisions, then it should be done with the consent of the people and the constitutional government that shall be established.
4- To mobilize and organize members free from narrow religious and ethnic proclivities that are not beneficial to the Eritrean body polity.

Economic:
1- To frame an economic policy that would safeguard against manmade as well as natural disasters which would enable our country to be self-reliant.
2- The Eritrean economic foundation should be fashioned to encourage the investment of private capital and open the doors for a free market.
3- To ensure that sources of national wealth such as minerals, trees, marine resources, and livestock are properly developed and are made to be economic resources for the collective use of the people and the state.
4- Introduce modern forces of production and draw an advanced economic policy where our people in the Diaspora will use their expertise and capital to benefit themselves as well as their country.
5- Tailor an economic policy that enables foreign capital and expertise to be utilized in order to develop our country's economic resources and infrastructure.
6- All economic resources that are under the PFDJ should be surrendered to the possession of the people and state. Political parties shall not be allowed to have natural or commercial economic sources.
7- The land should be under the possession of the people and be distributed in an appropriate fashion after comprehensive studies with the participation and consent of the people.
Social:
1- To launch an educational campaign to eradicate illiteracy in our country.
2- To develop science and technology and struggle to build a modern Eritrea.
3- In order to curb ethnic dominance in our country, we advocate for each ethnic group to freely develop its own language and culture.
4- To replace the limited healthcare system in our country with an all encompassing and modern one and struggle to make healthcare reach all sectors of our society.
5- Struggle to make sure that handicaps, the very young and the unfortunate get the necessary aid. Strive to restore the life of the cornerstone of our society, the family unit, which the PFDJ has been destroying by taking away its most productive members.
6- Struggle to protect and respect the rights and equality as well as to balance the rights and duties of , among other things, women, workers, farmers, nations and nationalities, civic associations, and religions.
7- Recognizing that our liberation struggle was part of the proud history of our people, we strive to keep the registry of our martyrs, war-disabled and fighters with utmost respect and inclusiveness.
Cultural:
1- To work hard to preserve and improve all the cultures of the different entities of the Eritrean society and struggle to replace backward cultures with progressive cultures.
2- To struggle to do away with the political culture of rejection and contempt and work to cultivate and improve the political culture of tolerance mutual respect in our society.
3- Struggle to restore and uphold the useful and sagacious cultures of our people that were earlier being destroyed by the Derg and that were and still are being destroyed now by the PFDJ.
4- To endeavor to restore and make Tigrigna and Arabic Eritrean official languages and create conducive conditions for the development of other languages.

Foreign Policy
1- To establish a non-allied relationship based on equality and tranquil peaceful coexistence with our neighboring countries and the would around us.
2- Struggle to establish a foreign policy that does not allow the presence of any foreign military base in Eritrean territories and one that is intolerant to foreign interference from our region that puts into consideration the sensitive social formations of our country.
3- We shall not allow any covert or overt political alignment that puts Eritrea in bondage with any country. We resiliently fight to uphold Eritrean national sovereignty and to make sure that confederation or other similarly conceived political ideas are abandoned.
4- Struggle to ensure that pacts that are made with neighboring and other countries are transparently discussed by the people, ratified by the legislative body, and are constitutional and legal.

The Question of Representation
To resolve the question of national unity means to ensure that the questions of democracy, peace, progress, national salvation and reconciliation are resolved. The putting of this into practice for us will only be translated into reality when all the members of our society freely ensure their representation in the political, social, cultural, administrative, and security life of our country. In order to make this a reality, we will fight for the participation of all the sectors of our society under our believe and slogan of " Unity In Diversity" and translate it into reality in our country's life. The question of representation is resolved through democratic elections. To bring this into life, we strive for there to be election laws and processes and fare and balanced rights and freedoms of competition.
Eternal Remembrance For Our Martyrs!
The Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement
San Hose California, USA
October 12-14, 2002