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Response to the 'Media
& Politics Branch' of the EIDM By: Abdurahman Sayed 22nd October 04I
recently read an article written by the "Media & Politics Branch"
of the EIDM, which was posted on Dekebat-Eritrea and Awate.com on October 14,2004.
This article accused me of "lying" and "grossly misrepresenting"
the "EIDM's proposal" of a decentralised system of governance, "which
was posted on August 21, 2004". First, I personally have not read this article
and my recent interview comment with gabeel.com was based on another article published
by the EIDM about two years ago on atleast one of the Eritrean websites where
they advocated for "republican federalism" based on the 8 administrative
provinces. This same article was also recently quoted by an Ethiopian writer (http://www.aiga1992.org/mathza0403.htm)
who stated that the "The Eritrean Independent Democratic Movement's (EIDM)
concept for federal republican governance in Eritrea appears to be not very different
from that of EFDR [M]" (emphasis mine). In addition to this, I happen to
have good communication with at least one of the EIDM founders and leading members,
Mr. Hailemariam Tesfay. Mr. Hailemariam is the EIDM's last chairperson and is
the current secretary for external relations. He had two meetings with the EFDM
leaders in Stockholm and London during August 2004. When I read the accusations
of "misrepresentation", I immediately contacted my colleagues in both
cities to further verify and re-confirm what was said in both meetings. Both reiterated
to me that Mr. Hailemariam reported to them that 'the EIDM endorsed federalism
based on 8 states at its second conference'. I further contacted a third party
who was present at the London meeting who equally confirmed what Mr. Hailemariam
reported. Thus when I referred to our welcoming of the EIDM and Negusse MensaAy's
proposals as ideas enriching our discourse on federalism, it was done in good
spirit and not to "misrepresent the EIDM" as alleged in the above cited
article. That being the fact, even if I misquoted
or 'misrepresented the EIDM', it would have earned the EIDM some public respect
had they avoided resorting to name-calling and presented their version of the
story without inflating their relevant stature dramatically by indicating that
the EFDM was using the EIDM's story to attract public support. Such a statement
is false, because the EFDM is a reputable Eritrean organisation that knows its
subject too well, has a clearly laid out strategic approach to the notion of governance
and knows how to reach out to the Eritrean public without the need for mediators
or third parties. The EFDM does not need licenses from the EIDM or anyone for
that matter to preach and promote what we believe in to any quarter of our country
or our heterogeneous society. Our approach to partnership with sister organisations
like the EIDM and others in the opposition camp is not based on narrow interests,
but a genuine one that is based on promoting common good with the national interest
of our people and our country at heart. Nonetheless,
the vulgar language and name-calling that was used to dismiss the federal proposal
and promote the newly "unveiled truth" of the EIDM seems the work of
some irresponsible individual(s) and or those with the interest of widening the
gap between our Eritrean diverse views and sister organisations. Since the publication
of the "Media & Politics Branch" article a week ago, I had few exchanges
of courtesy calls and emails with my friends in the EIDM, in particular Mr. Hailemariam,
to verify if this was indeed their official comment to my recent interview with
gabeel.com. As expected, I learned that my friend and a number of his leadership
colleagues were as shocked and surprised as I was and that a "telephone conference
meeting was scheduled for Sunday October 17,2004, at 5pm (pacific time) to discuss
and clarify the matter". I was also asked to wait for the outcome of the
meeting and for clarification that would come out of it. A week later from that
anticipated and unrealized meeting, no clarification or a statement of "disassociation"
from the vulgar language has been made, which left me with no choice but to come
up with my own response, because I owe it to the reader to clarify my position
on the matter. I believe it does not take days to disclaim an unprovoked and rude
language presented in the name of an organisation that claims to have found and
unveiled "the truth" to solve the Eritrean problem. The
author(s) of the "Media & Politics Branch" article claims to have
suddenly discovered the key to "denigrating the confusion between decentralisation
and federal system of governance" and consider(s) that there "are no
clear domestic boundaries along the various communal ethnic groups". These
claims are a clear indication that there is a confusion about the two systems
inside the organisation whose name was used in the abusive article and the degree
of the hidden uphill struggle that some in the opposition camp are undergoing
in denying our ethnic and cultural groups the legitimate God-given right to self-determination
as well as to the right to administer their own affairs autonomously and within
their traditional territories. It is common knowledge among many Eritrean political
organizations that there exist historical boundaries between the territories of
the Afar, the highland and the lowland. It is a well-known fact that each of our
ethnic groups, tribes and/or clans has a traditionally demarcated territory of
common and exclusive use that has been administered through centuries-old deep-rooted
traditions and customary laws. I understand
there had been vigorous attempts in the last 50 or so years to change the Eritrean
demographics in favour of the hegemonic ethnic group reminiscent with the attempts
of the Amhara "neftegna" in Ethiopia, where they have aggressively grabbed
other Ethiopians' land and fiercely imposed a policy of "Amharising the entire
country". Had the members of the "Media & Politics Branch"
been reading gabeel.com or VKP (kunama website) among other sites, they would
have certainly thought twice before issuing such an absurd statement or even assuming
that any EFDMite or I would confuse the difference between the two systems of
governance. I mentioned the two sites because they happen to be among the few
Eritrean media outlets that contain articles and studies on systems of governance,
land issues, traditions etc. Read for example the following articles:- 1.
EFDM conference papers on: Federalism in Eritrea, why and how?, Political and
Social analysis, which could easily be downloaded form the 'documents' page of
http://www.gabeel.com. These two papers discuss the Eritrean issue from different
perspectives and in greater lengths. 2. "What is the difference between
decentralisation and federalism?" by Gabeel Team, June 2004, Editorial http://www.gabeel.com
. 3. Latest article by an EFDMite, "further disentangling federalism
and unitary decentralized systems, by Yussif Yassin October 18,2004: http://www.gabeel.com
. 4. The Kunama land is not a "market commodity" but an "ethnic
identity": By The VKP, April 28,2004 http://www.eritrean-kunama.de/ The
claim that the Eritrean regime "has indiscriminately oppressed the whole
citizens of the nation" is also another attempt to deny the existence of
discrimination and atrocities committed against specific ethnic, religious and
regional groups. It is true that today everyone has been victimised by the Eritrean
regime in one way or another. However, this does not negate the fact that certain
sectors of our society have been the recipient of greater abuse than others. If
one has any doubts about this, I refer you to read the most recent testimonies
of those who are abandoning the regime, such as Mr. Andeberhan Estifanos' letter
to the UNHCR reported by the Eritrean Centre for Media Services on October 15,
2004 http://www.gabeel.com, which only confirms what we already know of how Eritrean
refugees were left in their rotten and malaria infested refugee camps for decades
simply because they were Muslims. The settlement villages and farm lands that
has been created in forcefully evacuated lands of those refugees and those of
the other oppressed ethnic groups are monuments of evidence of the crimes against
humanity faced by some of our people and not just a simple abuse of human rights
that is equal to those who might have been victimised as individuals rather than
as religious, regional or ethnic groups. We
are fully aware that there are plenty of chauvinists and opportunist elements
that would very much wish to see the Eritrean status quo maintained and would
do anything in their capacity to create obstacles on the road towards federalism
and inclusive democracy in Eritrea. We also know the methods they employ to confuse
and steal the struggles of our cultural, ethnic and social groups by appearing
to be interested in 'diversity' and 'decentralisation', words that are increasingly
being abused these days just like the over-used phrases of 'national conference'
and 'multi-party democracy'. However, what they fail to see is the reality that
none of our struggling social or cultural entities are interested in being at
the receiving end of some centrally prescribed "rights". For the last
13 years, it is the very oppressed cultural and ethnic groups that have been challenging
the status quo and paving the way for a fundamental change. What these patriots
and Eritrean federalists are, thus, calling for is shared rule, unity by consent,
and above all, the right to reclaim their lands and traditional territories as
well as autonomous administration in those lands and territories. Finally,
given the contents of the "Media & Politics Branch" article, I concede
that my reference to the EIDM as a well-meaning group was an overstatement and
mainly generated by the profound respect I have for brothers Hailemariam Tesfay
and Asmerom Berhe and the many views and ideals that I share with them. I also
agree that the EIDM and EFDM views are not only different in that the first promotes
"unitary decentralisation" and the later "federalism", but
also in their diagnosis of the Eritrean political stalemate. The EIDM, according
to its Media branch, argues that the "mistrust among our population [has
been] created by the current [Eritrean] government as well as by some of the leaders
of the opposition camp", whereas for the EFDM, the problem is deep rooted
in our cultural and social diversity as well as in our contemporary history and
that the "current Eritrean government" and "some leaders of the
opposition camp" are only some ugly symptoms of the deep rooted problem.
This means, the EIDM sees the Eritrean problem would end with the end of the Eritrean
regime, whereas we in the EFDM do not believe this would be the case. Regime change
in Eritrea, in our view, will only pave the way towards restoring our people's
land, political, economic and cultural rights, but will never become a solution
in its own right. We also remind our friends in the EIDM and elsewhere in the
opposition camp that the departure of the PFDJ regime could potentially be the
beginning of anarchy and lawlessness unless genuine attempts are made like those
of the EFDM, to make a properly studied courageous diagnosis of our political
ills and start working, with the EFDM, on the most conducive federal systems of
governance appropriate to our heterogeneous society. For
more civilized exchange of ideas you can contact via:Ramadan
Karim. May Justice and Peace prevail in Eritrea!

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